When Shaul Mofaz decided to join the Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government a little more than two months ago, eyes were rolled, tongues were clicked, and lethal criticisms were written. By now it’s clear that everyone was right. Anyone who predicted that the romance won’t last was also able to identify the reason: The ambitious goals presented by the mighty 94-member coalition collided head-on with the natural interests of Netanyahu’s natural partners. Or in other words: There was no chance whatsoever that Netanyahu could, or would want to, defeat the haredim.
Kadima’s departure screams out two words: Early elections. The question is when they will be held, and whether Netanyahu will prefer to pull out the Knesset dissolution bill now, or wait for early next year. Until then, the political picture may change, but at this point, with 10 weeks of fragile unity drawing to an end, we can identify the current winners and losers.
Kadima is broken, divided and split. There are no three Knesset members in this faction who can communicate with each other. Even in recent days, some of them chose to cooperate with the Prime Minister’s Office, rather than with their own party chairman. Given this state of affairs, it’s clear to Mofaz that whatever happens, it won’t end well.
Should the elections be moved forward, and it appears this will happen, Kadima is expected to experience an impressive collapse. Yair Lapid and Shelly Yachimovich are expected to take away most of Kadima’s seats, and we haven’t yet mentioned additional centrist parties that would likely emerge ahead of the elections. We also haven’t mentioned Tzipi Livni and Ehud Olmert, who for the time being is warming up on the sidelines.
Even though Kadima and Mofaz placed the issue of universal draft on the government’s agenda and led a political move to change reality, those who wish to take their revenge against the haredim and Netanyahu won’t vote for Mofaz, but rather, for Lapid. Why? Because politics is a world of images and brands, and Mofaz’s brand is worn out.
It will take a few more months, but at the end of the day Lapid is on his way to the Knesset. Nobody is willing to commit to the number of Knesset seats he’ll win, but his party, Yesh Atid, is becoming more legitimate with every passing day. Should Lapid be wise enough to bring substantive content into his campaign and convince the skeptics of his abilities and plans, he may be the big winner of the draft crisis.
She was indeed right when she claimed that the attempt to legislate a new law is pure populism, yet she will have to shift gears and bring herself and her party back into the relevant discourse quickly. Otherwise, the votes that previously shifted towards the party will go elsewhere. However, Yachimovich still has an opportunity: The social protest, which became fierce and dramatic in recent days, could bring Labor back into the picture.
Likud may be slightly hurt by the prime minister’s capitulation to his haredi partners, yet at the end of the day, given the wild Israeli reality that makes people forget headlines within 24 hour, anything can happen: Iran, Hamas, Hezbollah, Egypt’s Morsi and whatnot. The prime minister always has the best means to dictate an agenda, most certainly in Israel, and most certainly in an era of an “Iranian threat.” In short, as long as Netanyahu has no serious rival, even without a universal draft law, he is still mostly on the side of the winners.
However, we should keep in mind that Netanyahu also lost points, and possibly Knesset seats. Some two months ago he was en route to elections, while dictating most of the agenda unrivaled. Yet Kadima’s entry into the government and the intensive preoccupation with the draft law and the unwillingness to quarrel with the haredim created a significant headache for Netanyahu. Now, with a smaller coalition, he will have to contend with the issue. For now, Netanyahu has become a target for those who serve and protest the inequality in bearing the burden.
The protestors who lead the struggle have no intention of letting go. Recently they even considered a dramatic step: Urging young Israelis not to enlist for military service. This move, should it be undertaken, will be attributed to the prime minister, who chose political deals over a dramatic decision.
Even if some of the targets presented by the Yisrael Beiteinu chairman are not quite realistic, in public relations terms Lieberman did not blink. In a geopolitical reality whereby the Palestinians are no partner, Syria is burning and Egypt handed itself over to the Muslim Brotherhood, Lieberman will find the way to grow stronger.
Now, Barak will have to again contend with the possibility of elections, and as one who did not contribute much to resolving the crisis, or to the discourse, he will not enjoy the pro-draft atmosphere that has taken hold of Israel’s discourse.
Kadima’s collapse and Mofaz’s inability to boost the party’s mandates play into Livni’s hands. Her return to the political game is merely a matter of time, and the coming weeks are expected to be stormy for her.
Their parties curbed the draft law that would have hurt yeshiva students and averted any attempt to truly change the status quo. Over the years, haredi parties enjoyed stable constituencies that admire the rabbis and follow their lead. So who can undermine their victory after all?Aryeh Deri.
Those who nonetheless became fed up with haredi politics could find the answer with Aryeh Deri, who will likely present more moderate views than those of Shas and United Torah Judaism. Deri can steal mandates both from Likud and from haredi parties, thereby changing the balance of power.
Should he be wise enough to endorse the need to promote equality in bearing the burden, Deri would no doubt be able to return to the Knesset with political clout that may change the balance between the blocs ahead of the formation of a new government.
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